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1)Emigration and Slavery:

How did Blacks come from Africa ?

First African slave brought to Lisbon, Portugal in 1442.Pedro Alanzo Nino said by many scholarsto have been a Negro, arrived with Columbus as one his pilots in 1492.Balboa’s expedition to the Pacific included thirty Blacks who were instrumental in clearing the way between two oceans in 1513.Bishop Las Casas influenced the Spanish government to allow Spaniards to import twelve Negroes each to encouraged immigration to the New World in 1517.John Hawkins carried slaves from Portuguese Africa to Spanish American 1562A Dutch ship anchored at James town, Virginia with a cargo of “twenty Negroes “thus began Black history in English America in 1619.* (1)

So our “story “begins with a bloody extortion of black people from their families, countries…...

3)Civil War:

(The reasons of Civil War in the perspective of black problem.)

Moving toward Freedom *
From the very beginning of the war there had been speculation as to whether or when the slaves would be emancipated. Most Northern Democrats were opposed and said unequivocally that slavery was the best status for blacks. Abolitionists supported the Republicans in 1860 principally because their platform was antislavery, and they demanded that the party fulfill its pledge by setting the slaves free. Lincoln had to move cautiously, however, for constitutional, political, and military reasons. His views on emancipation were well known. As early as 1849 he had introduced a bill in Congress for the gradual emancipation of slaves in the District of Columbia, and in the ensuing decade he stated his position on several occasions. For the abolitionists, gradual emancipation was bad enough, but not even to take definite steps in that direction was unforgivable.
The whole matter caused Lincoln grave concern. As he evolved his plan of emancipation, he was viewed all the more unfavorably because he felt it necessary to restrain enthusiastic officers who emancipated slaves without his authorization. In 1861 Gen. John C. Frémont proclaimed military emancipation in Missouri, but Lincoln had to modify his action in keeping with the Confiscation Act. In 1862 Gen. David Hunter proclaimed that slaves in Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina were to be forever free. When Lincoln learned of this order ten days after it was announced, he immediately issued a proclamation nullifying it and reminding slaveholders that they could still adopt his plan of compensated emancipation.
President Lincoln was going ahead with this plan for solving the problem of blacks in America. He hoped to achieve emancipation by compensating owners for their human property, and then he looked forward to colonizing them in some other part of the world. In the fall of 1861 he attempted an experiment with compensated emancipation in Delaware. He urged his friends there to propose it to the Delaware legislature. He went so far as to write a draft of the bill, which provided for gradual emancipation, and then he composed another, which provided that the federal government would share the expenses of compensating masters for their slaves. Although these bills were much discussed, there was too much opposition to introduce them.
More definite steps in the direction of emancipation were taken in the spring of 1862. In a special message to Congress, President Lincoln recommended that a resolution be passed announcing that the United States would cooperate with any state adopting a plan of gradual emancipation together with satisfactory compensation of the owners. He urged the congressional delegations from Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri to support his policy. They opposed it, however, because their constituents were unwilling to give up their slaves. A joint resolution introduced by Roscoe Conkling nevertheless passed both houses and was approved by the president on April 10, 1862. The abolitionists were furious; they felt that Southern slaveholders should not be paid to surrender property they did not rightfully possess. Wendell Phillips, speaking in Cincinnati before a crowd hostile to his views, criticized the administration, declaring that the right hand of Southern aristocracy was slave4r and the left hand the ignorant white man. All over the North abolitionists denounced Lincoln’s plan of compensated emancipation.
Another of Lincoln’s recommendations, which became law in April 1862. provided for the emancipation of slaves in the District of Columbia. There would be compensation, of course, but not exceeding $300 for each slave. A significant feature was the provision of $100,000 to support the voluntary emigration of freedmen to Haiti and Liberia. Colonization seemed almost as important to Lincoln as emancipation. In August 1862 he called a group of prominent free blacks to the White House and urged them to support colonization. He told them, “Your race suffer greatly, many of them, by living among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If this is admitted, it affords a reason why we should be separated.” Perhaps some of them pledged their support, for in his second annual message he was able to say that many free blacks had asked to be colonized. Largely at Lincoln’s suggestion, the State Department made inquiries of South American governments and of some insular and African governments concerning the possibility of colonizing black Americans. Only two replies were entirely satisfactory to Lincoln; they suggested that colonies of former slaves be established in Panama and on the Ile a Vache, in the Caribbean. Up until the end of the war Lincoln held out hope for colonizing at least some of the slaves who were being set free.
From June 1862 the policy of the government toward emancipation took shape rapidly. On June 19 the president signed a bill abolishing slavery in the territories. On July 17 a measure became law setting free all slaves coming from disloyal masters into Union-held territory. Lincoln again called together congressmen from the border slave states and told them that since slavery would be destroyed if the war lasted long enough, they should accept his plan of compensated emancipation. His plea fell on deaf ears. Having gone as far as he had, however, Lincoln considered emancipating by proclamation all slaves in rebellious states, an idea that he discussed with his secretaries of state and navy, Seward and Welles.
For two days, July 21 and 22, the cabinet debated the draft of an emancipation proclamation that Lincoln read to them. Rebels were to be warned of the penalties of the Confiscation Act and reminded of the possibility of emancipating their slaves and receiving compensation. All slaves were to be set free on January 1, 1863. Only two cabinet members, Seward and Chase, agreed even in part with Lincoln’s proposed proclamation, and Seward strongly advised him not to issue it until the military situation was more favorable. Apparently there was some hope, based on rumor, that the president would issue the proclamation in August. When it was not forthcoming, advocates of emancipation were sorely disappointed. Horace Greeley, writing in the New York Tribune, urged Lincoln to proclaim emancipation. Antislavery delegations called upon him. Interestingly enough, the president told one delegation that he could not free slaves under the Constitution because it could not be enforced in the rebel states. Any proclamation would be about as effective, from Lincoln’s point of view, “as the Pope’s bull against the comet.”
It was the Union victory at Antietam on September 17, 1862, that caused Lincoln to act. Five days later he issued a preliminary proclamation. In this document he revived the possibility of compensated emancipation and said that he would continue to encourage the voluntary colonization of blacks “upon this continent or elsewhere.” The time had come, however, when more direct action was needed. So he proclaimed that on January 1, 1863, “all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of the State, the people whereof shall be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free.”
The general reaction in the North was unfavorable. Many whites felt that the war was no longer to save the Union but to free the slaves, and some soldiers resigned rather than participate in such a struggle. The Peace Democrats accused the administration of wasting the lives of white citizens in a costly abolitionist war. Abolitionists hesitated to condemn the proclamation since it was better than nothing, but to them it seemed at best very poor compensation for all the struggles and sacrifices they had made for more than a generation. Furthermore, what if the war should end and there were no rebellious states on the first of January 1863? The prospect sent cold shivers through every ardent abolitionist. The real reaction was seen at the November elections. Although the Republicans maintained a majority in Congress, the Democrats won in many Northern communities and gained substantially in both the House and Senate.
The preliminary proclamation, despite this critical reaction, captured the imagination of workers in many parts of the world, who viewed it as a great humanitarian document, and whenever slaves learned of it they laid down their tools and took on the mantle of their newly found freedom. By the end of December 1862, the suspense attending the final proclamation was so great that even before it was read it had assumed the significance of one of the great documents of all times. On December 31 blacks and whites in many parts of the country at which prayers of thanksgiving were offered for the deliverance of the slave held watch meetings. At Tremont Temple in Boston, Frederick Douglass, William Wells Brown, William Lloyd Garrison, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Charles B. Ray, and other fighters for freedom heard on January 1 the words that emancipated more than three-fourths of the slaves. President Lincoln set free all slaves except those in states or parts of states not in rebellion against the United States at that time. These exceptions, in addition to the four loyal slave states, were thirteen parishes of Louisiana, including the city of New Orleans; the forty-eight counties of Virginia, which had become West Virginia; and seven counties in eastern Virginia, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth.
Lincoln left no doubt of his justification for the Emancipation Proclamation. Twice he mentioned the military necessity of pursuing this course. He described it as a “fit and necessary war measure” for suppressing the rebellion which he could take by virtue ~of the power vested in him as commander in chief of the army and navy. In the last paragraph of the proclamation he said that it was “sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity.” He counseled slaves, however, to abstain from all violence except in self-defense and to work faithfully for reasonable wages.
If the Emancipation Proclamation was essentially a war measure, it had the desired effect of creating confusion in the South and depriving the Confederacy of much of its valuable labor force. If it was a diplomatic document, it succeeded in rallying to the Northern cause thousands of English and European laborers who were anxious to see workers gain their freedom throughout the world. If it was a humanitarian document, it gave hope to millions of blacks that a better day lay ahead, and it renewed the faith of thousands of crusaders who had fought long to win freedom in America.
During the war years slaves had moved significantly toward freedom. Many of them were among the first, however, to realize that it had not been achieved. Even after the proclamation was issued there were more than 800,000 slaves in the border states untouched by it, to say nothing of the hundreds of thousands if not millions in the Confederacy who were not even to hear about the proclamation until months later. Political and economic freedom, moreover, blacks had neither in the South nor in the North. Their leaders were concerned about these matters. The National Convention of Colored Men, which met at Syracuse in October 1864, discussed the questions of employment, enfranchisement, and the extension of freedom. If blacks had no answers to these questions, it was because of the complexity and magnitude of the problems involved in adjusting more than 4 million people to a new climate of freedom

Blacks Fighting for the Union
When blacks were finally permitted to enlist in the Union army, they did so with alacrity and enthusiasm. In the North leading blacks like Frederick Douglass served as recruiting agents. Rallies were held at which speakers urged blacks to enlist, and in Boston, New York, and Philadelphia blacks went to recruiting stations in large numbers. In the South, too, there were many who enlisted, but not all saw the necessity of fighting when they were winning their freedom without it. Enlistment of blacks was, however, a notable success: more than 186,000 had enrolled in the Union army by the end of the war. From the seceded states came 93,000, and from the border slave states, 40,000. The remainder, approximately 53,000, were from free states. It is possible that the total figure was larger, for some contemporaries insisted that many mulattoes served in white regiments without being designated as blacks.
Black troops were organized into regiments of light and heavy artillery, cavalry, infantry, and engineers. To distinguish them from white soldiers, they were called United States Colored Troops, and for the most part they were led by white officers with some black noncommissioned officers. At first it was difficult to secure white officers for black outfits, because regular army men were generally opposed to having blacks in the service. Joseph T. Wilson says that West Pointers were especially averse to the idea of commanding black troops and ostracized their fellows who undertook the task. There were those, however, who enthusiastically assumed the responsibility and made such a reputation for themselves and their men that it was not difficult to secure white officers for black outfits toward the close of the war. Among those who were outstanding as leaders were Col. Thomas Wentworth Higginson of the First South Carolina Volunteers, Col. Robert Gould Shaw of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment, and Gen. N. P. Banks, who for a time had the First and Third Louisiana Native Guards under his command.
Some blacks held commissions in the Union army. Two regiments of General Butler’s Corps d’Afrique were entirely staffed by black officers,
including Maj. F. E. Dumas and Capt. P. B. S. Pinchback. An independent battery at Lawrence, Kansas, was led by Capt. H. Ford Douglass and lstLt.
W. D. Matthews. The 104th Regiment had two black officers, Maj. Martin R. Delany and Capt. 0. 5. B. Wall. Among the black surgeons who received commissions were Alexander I. Augusta of the 7th Regiment and John V. DeGrasse of the 35th. Charles B. Purvis, Alpheus Tucker, John Rapier, William Ellis, Anderson Abbott, and William Powell were hospital surgeons in Washington. Among the black chaplains with commissions were Henry M. Turner, William Hunter, James Underdue, Williams Waring, Samuel Harrison, William Jackson, and John R. Bowles.
At the beginning there was discrimination in the pay of white and black soldiers. The Enlistment Act of July~17, 1862, provided that whites with the rank of private should receive $13 a month and $3.50 for clothing, but blacks of the same rank were to receive only $7 and $3, respectively. Black soldiers and their white officers objected vigorously to this discrimination. The Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment served a year without pay rather than accept discriminatory wages and went into battle in Florida in 1864 singing “Three cheers for Massachusetts and seven dollars a month.” In the Third South Carolina Regiment, Sgt. William Walker was shot, by order of court martial, for “leading the company to stack arms before their captain’s tent, on the avowed ground that they were released from duty by the refusal of the government to fulfill its share of the contract.” After many protests ,the War Department, beginning in 1864, granted equal pay for black soldiers.
Blacks performed all kinds of services in the Union army. Organized into raiding parties, they were sent through Confederate lines to destroy fortifications and supplies. Since they knew the Southern countryside better than most white soldiers and could pass themselves off as slaves, they were extensively used as spies and scouts. White officers relied upon information secured by black spies. Harriet Tubman was a spy for Union troops at many points on the eastern seaboard.
Black soldiers built fortifications along the coasts and up the rivers. They were engaged so much in menial tasks, instead of fighting, that their officers made numerous complaints. One said that he would rather carry his rifle in the ranks of fighting men than be overseer to black laborers. In 1864 Adj. Gen. Lorenzo Thomas took notice of the situation and issued an order that there should be no excessive impositions upon black troops and “that they will be only required to take their fair share of fatigue duty with white troops. This is necessary to prepare them for the higher duties of conflicts with the enemies.”
The “higher duties of conflicts” had already begun, for blacks saw action against Confederate forces as early as the fall of 1862. Hardly a battle was fought up to the end of the war in which some black troops did not meet the enemy. They saw action, according to George Washington Williams, in more than 250 skirmishes. In the Battle of Port Hudson, eight black infantry regiments fought.

Naturally the Confederacy was outraged by the Northern use of black troops. The question immediately arose as to whether they should be treated as soldiers of the enemy or slaves in insurrection. The vast majority of white Southerners viewed black soldiers as rebellious slaves and insisted that they should be treated as such. In 1862 President Davis ordered that all slaves captured in arms were to be delivered to the state from which they came, to be dealt with according to state laws. Union officials insisted that captured blacks should be treated as prisoners of war, but the Confederates did not accept that point of view until 1864.
Some captured blacks, perhaps not many, were sold into slavery. Others were killed. The Confederate secretary of war countenanced the killing of some black prisoners in order to make an example of, them. In 1864 a Confederate officer, Col. W. P. Shingler, told his subordinates not to report the capture of any more blacks. The worst case was the Fort Pillow affair. On April 12, 1864, the fort fell to Confederate forces under the command of Gen. Nathan B. Forrest. Blacks who were there were not permitted to surrender; they were shot, and some were burned alive. Yet many black troops were captured and held as prisoners of war by the South. In 1863 General Butler reported that 3,000 black troops were prisoners of the Confederates. Late in 1864 nearly 1,000 black prisoners worked on Confederate fortifications at Mobile.
Blacks saw action in every theater of operation during the Civil War. They were at Milliken’s Bend in Louisiana, at Olustee in Florida, at Vicksburg in Mississippi, and at the siege of Savannah. They fought in Arkansas, Kentucky, Tennessee, and North Carolina. They played a part in the reduction of Petersburg and were at Appomattox Court House, April 9,1865. Congress awarded a medal to Decatur Dorsey for gallantry while acting as color-sergeant of the Thirty-ninth United States Colored Troops at Petersburg on July 30, 1864. James Gardner, of the Thirty-sixth, received a medal for rushing in advance of his brigade to shoot a Confederate officer leading his men into action. Four men of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Infantry earned the Gilmore Medal for gallantry in the assault on Fort Wagner, in which their commanding officer, Col. Robert Gould Shaw, lost his life. Maj. Gen. Gilmore issued the following order to commend black soldiers under his command for a daring exploit:

On March 7, 1865, a party of Colored soldiers and scouts, thirty in number left Jacksonville, Florida, and penetrated into the interior through Marion County. They rescued ninety-one Negroes from slavery, captured four white prisoners, two wagons, and twenty-four horses and mules; destroyed a sugarmill and a distillery. . . and burned the bridge over the Oclawaha River. When returning they were attacked by a band of over fifty cavalry, whom they defeated and drove off with a loss of more than thirty to the rebels.
This expedition, planned and executed by Colored men under the command of a Colored noncommissioned officer, reflects credit upon the brave participants and their leader.

Testimonies similar to this were given by Maj. Gen. E. R. S. Canby, Godfry Weitzel, James G. Blunt, S. A. Hurlbut, Alfred H. Terry, and W. F. Smith, as well as by men of other ranks. The most significant thing about their words of praise is that they bear witness to the fact thaf black soldiers did what they could to save the Union and secure their freedom.
More than 38,000 black soldiers lost their lives in the Civil War. It has been estimated that their rate of mortality was nearly 40 percent greater than that among white troops. In the Fifth United States Colored Heavy Artillery, for example, 829 men died, the largest number of deaths in any outfit in the Union army. The Sixty-fifth Colored Infantry lost more than 600 men from disease alone. The high mortality rate among blacks is to be explained by several unfavorable conditions. Among them were excessive fatigue details, poor equipment, bad medical care, the recklessness and haste with which they were sent into battle, and the “no quarter” policy (namely, the refusal to regard them as soldiers fighting under the accepted rules of war) with which Confederates fought them. it is impossible to estimate the number of blacks who died at the hands of their enemy, but it must have run into many thousands. There can be no doubt, therefore, that blacks contributed heavily to the victory of Union forces in the second great war for freedom.

4) a)The two great problems of black people :

*White ignorance regarding the “Negro” and “extreme racism”

As we face the future of the Negro and his place in the American scene ,we are filled with hope .We realize, however ,that in spite of hurdles which have been overcome since emancipation –and for which he is himself in large measure responsible –he stiil faces serious obstacles. The most serious of these seem to be two –the ignorance of the white man regarding the Negro and his potentiality; and extreme racism ,whether this be on the part of the white man or of Negro .Let us consider these in turn.

1.White Ignorance regarding the Negro. Only a small percentage of white American has any adequate idea of the Negro’s potentiality and progress. I have been amazed to hear college men and women and other people of inherent culture show an ignorance that is appalling .They seem often to be unaware that outside of the field of art and education there are, or have been any notable Negro intellectual leaders, unless perhaps a very few such as Frederick Douglass ,Dr. Carver ,Dr Du Bois and Booker Washington .They frequently take for granted that science has proven the inherent and necessary inferiority of the Negro because of his so –called black “blood” ,quite forgetting that there is no such thing as destinations in blood based on racial lines .They are unaware of the fact that there are differences of culture and education among Negroes which are just as striking as they are among whites. Relatively few of these people –and Isay this deliberately- have ever known or wanted to know an intelligent Negro sufficiently well to discuss with him any national or racial problem, or any other matter except as simple business transactions and the relations of employer and employee are concerned. The utter surprise that is shown by otherwise educated men when told of Negro achievements is amazing. I have in mind the astonishment occasioned in most white groups when hearing for the first time of the efficiency of an all-Negro hospital ,such as those of Tuskegee or of Howard University; or of the fact that there are about fifty Negroes at present holding faculty positions positions in representative American universities and college primarily designed for white students; or of Negro civilization and Negro culture in Africa ,showing itself not only in distinguished art bur also in Bantu law and in interesting forms of social organization ;of or statistics that prove that the high syphilis rate among Negroes is largely a educated Negro men and women who are as fair minted and wise as any other American citizens. As long as this ignorance by the white man of the elementary facts about Negro potentiality and Negro progress remains, the future is not bright. That is whyevery notable Negro art exhibit or any significant work in the field of Negro letters,or the well merited appointment on Negroes to positions such as the Governorship of the Virgin Islands,or membership in the United States Commerce Court, or the fine showing of educates Negroes in Army Intelligence tests ,or the work of Negro doctors ande Negro engineers, or the calm way in which the Negroes cast their ballots for the first time this year in Georgia ,accomplishes so much good.If the white men can realize that Negro in one hundres per cent a human being and that many of his race without white admixture have potentialities comparable to those of white men ,it will be realized that he must be given any place in this country which his individual merits deserve. A book such as that by Dr.Myrdal,the economic,the Economic Adviser of the Swedish Government, entitled An American Dilemma ,published by the Carnegie Corporation,with its facts and objective observations regarding the Negro in America ,accomplishes an enormous amount of good in dispelling ignorence and prejudice.The process must be continued until the white citizens of Amerika really understand what the Negro is like and do not merely accept a group of stereotypes largely by the movies and comic strips.

I put this white ignorence regarding the Negro as a Number One among the formidable obstacles to be overcome;but fortunately just as there are today a hundred people who know the facts about the Negro as taught by anthropology,etnology,history and the social sciencesto one prior to the Civil War so its reasonable to expect,if a constructive educational movement to dispel ignorence on this subject can be carried through,that there will be a thousand a quarter of a century from now,to a hundred today.When the facts ara known it will greatly aid the cause of interracial undersatnding and coöperation,for white men will see that they have something to get as well as to give-as far as intellectual contacts between the races are concerned –and that there is no inherent reason why the two groups,each following its own genius,may not get along well together.
2.Extreme Racism-White and Negro As a result of thirty-five years experince in dealing with the problem of the Negro American in the United States and in Africa,and in consideration of Negro’s future,I would put second among the obstacles ahead for continiued Negro progress,extreme racisim.By racisim I
mean emphasis on the importance of the relative group to which a person belons so extreme as to involve the disregard,or relative disregard,of the capasities and rights of other groups.Ýn condemning this I would not discourage legitimate racial pride or to desire to retain racial integrity ,but rather all exclusive or superior views of race which intolve an over –emphasis on relative importance,achivement,needs and or self-interest at the expense of national unity and concern for the common welfare.Such racisim I belive to be equally serious whether it is white racism or black racism.The former has been in the past much more common tahn the latter,but the latter has been growing in recent years among the left wing Negro leadership and there is danger of its becoming almost as serious an obstacle for mutual undersatnding between the races as its progenitor.
The forms of racism practiced by the two groups are somewhat different. The white man believes that he is superior to the Negro and wants to “Keep him in his place “The Negro does not believe that he is superior to the white man in general ability, but often his leaders are so rightly interested in the development his progress, that they unfortunately are apt not only to consider the Negro first, but almost to look upon every public issue only from the standpoint of the Negro .You might sometimes think from their utterances that there was no other problem in the United States except that of Negro rights ,and that legislation affecting the Negro should have the right of way in Congress over all other important matters of foreign or domestic policy. I grant that the Negro represents our most important minority group. It is of vital importance from the standpoint of American justice and the well-being of the body politic, as well as from that of the reputation abroad of our constitutional democracy, that his wrongs be righted. But just as the white man must not think only of his interests ,so the Negro must not think only of his. The Negro has had no better friend than Wendell Willkie,who said:”All Americans should consider themselves ,when United States citizenship is concerned, as first of all Americans, not white men, or Negroes, or Employers, or employees, or Veterans, or manufacturers. or farmers or Jews or Protestants, or Catholics, or Northerners. or Southernes ”This needs constant emphasis as general Omar Bradley said themselves “citizens” first and “veterans” second .This has broad implications for many other groups.
Negro racism is also seen acutely among certain self-conscious African leaders, especially in parts of the West Coast, who-while properly insisting that the interests and needs of Native Africans should be given major consideration-are inclined to think that their people can and should jump overnight from a low economic, educational and political status to controlling completely their own affairs, irrespective of the white man who, along with many sins of omission and commission, has contributed much to their development. The goal of complete freedom, political and economic, must always be kept in mind and earnestly striven for ,but historical and economic, must always be kept in mind and earnestly striven for ,but historical factors can not be transformed in a day and progress to endure must be through accelerative evolution rather than by revolution in racial adjustments. The Fabians in England have been wise in their two- fold emphasis .on the need of basic changes in public laws and policies and on effecting them as fast and only as fast as educational processes can prepare the way for them effectively and thus make the reforms endure.
The fact of the matter is that he is a wise leader of the white group in interracial matters who gives special consideration to the point of view of the Negro ,and that he is a wise leader in interracial affairs among the black and brown groups who gives special consideration to the point of view of the white man. No group should consider its interests as dominant, but each should consider that he is part of a larger human family and that true progress must include the progress and well being of all its members. This is, of course, also true of the relation between national and international well-being.
We have had a great deal of white racism in the United States with apparent disregard of the Negro’s rights, except as the white man wishes to consider them. We do not wish to go to opposite extreme now threatened by some of having Negro racism with little regard for the white man. The fact that the white man’s extremes have originated and encouraged it does much to explain this new development, but it does not diminish its seriousness.
The answer to the dangers outlined is of course, found in two emphases frequently mentioned in this report –the securing for the Negro and all other minority groups through education, public opinion and legislation, complete citizenship and equality of opportunity, and at same time larger measure of interracial understanding and cooperation.

b)What did the Blacks against segregation?

-The first slave revolt took place in the first United States settlement which contained slaves an area in present-day South Caroline 1526
-The first public school for Negroes and Indians in Virginia was established in 1620.
-William Tucker was the first black child born and boptized in English America at Jamestown,Virginia in 1663.
-The first major slave rebellion in colonial America took place in Cloucester ,Virginia in 1663
-Early slave revolt in New York City Pennsylvania passed first legislation to prevent importation of slaves in1712.
-Fransisco Xauvier de Luna Victoria was the first Black to become bishop in America in 1715.
-Jüpiter Hammon of Long Island, the first Black American writer, was born in Africa in 1720.
-A serius slave revolt in New York City resulted in the hunging of eighteen Blacks in 1741.
-Martin Luther King Jr .elected president of Southern Christian Leadership
Conference at its organisation meeting in New Orleans

- Spingarn Medal awarded to Martin Luther King Jr dedicated and selfless clengyman for his creative contributions to the Fight for Freedom and his outstanding leadership role in the successful Montgomery bus protest movement in 1957.

-The U.S Bureau of Labor Statics reported that 166000 Blacks moved from the Southern states to the North and 247000 returned to the South from the North. It was reported in the N.Y Times that in creasing financial problems and decreasing enrolments were leading to the demise of many Black colleges in the US.A group of 16 Black mayor and civil rights leaders held a two-how meeting with Viece President Gerald R.Fordand sympathetic ear in the Nixon Administration. The Voter Education Project a private organization based in Atlanta said 363 Blacks had won office in the South in 1973 off-year-elections .According to the group’s study 253 victories were in elections for municipal councils and commissions. There 63 school board victories 18 new Black mayors 14 election commission and 2 state legislators. It was decided that a portrait of Dr.Martin Luther King Jr. Would hang in the Gerogia capital building in Atlanta .A special biracial Commision selected by Governor Jimmy Carter recommended three Georgia Blacks for inclusion in the portraint gallery.Henry Mc Neal Turner,a Methodist bishop who served in hhe state legislature in the 1880s and Lucy Lane ,who organized schools in Augosta,Georgia were the two other Blacks whose portrait would be included .Named to the Hall of Fame by the Negro Baseball Selection.Committee was James (Cool Papa)Bell,a renowned base steater and hitter whose 26 year carrear was spent in the Negro Leaues during to the second National Black Political Convensation me in Little rock Arkansas in an atmosphere of conflict between Black nationalist leaders advocating a separalist approach to political action and the more conservative leaders who fawored operating within the traditional political structure in 1974.

5)The Situation of Blacks today: Past’s slaves today’s sirs

Are the blacks who have been in an extreme sorrow for many years able to come to the situation of which they dream today? As we have examined the history of America, we can see that they have fought the sake of freedom and many people of them lost their life for his aim.. In other words, they have an essential role in American’s past.. The people who were slaves of Whites in past are playing a crucial role such as political, social etc in America, today .For instance, they are many Blacks who are working with the Whites for American military and government authorization.

In fact, the Blacks are together with the other Americans in every aspect of life, they can be friend or do sports in a same team and play together in international competitions for the honour of U.S:. Furthermore, they can marry each other and have a family.

No matter it’s a bit late for all U.S white people to understand that the only difference between themselves and blacks is black’s dark complexion.

African American by the Numbers:

-Population Total: 36.4 million The number of U:S residents who reported as African American alone or in combination with one or more other races in Census 2000.This group made up 12.9% population of the total population.
- 823500 Number of African American- owned businesses in the United States in 1997.These businesses employed 718300 people and generated $71.2 billion in revenues. They made up 4% of the nation’s 20.8 million nonfarm businesses and 27% of its 3,0 million minority-owned firms.
-119000 Number of African-American engineers in 2000.Additionally 48000 African Americans were lawyers and 45000 were physicians.